In it, Dworkin argues that in a male supremacist society, sex between men and women constitutes a central part of women’s subordination to men. Intercourse enraged as many readers as it inspired when it was first published in 1987. Now the book that she’s best known for-in which she provoked the argument that ultimately split apart the feminist movement-is being reissued for the young women and men of the twenty-first century. The power of her writing, the passion of her ideals, and the ferocity of her intellect have spurred the arguments and activism of two generations of feminists.
Focusing on some of her earlier writings-particularly Our Blood and Right Wing Women-I demonstrate that Dworkin thought and wrote not only about race, but about multiple unjust hierarchies, in sophisticated and multidimensional ways.Andrea Dworkin, once called “Feminism’s Malcolm X,” has been worshipped, reviled, criticized, and analyzed-but never ignored. Herein, I contend that Dworkin belongs in the category of radical feminists that hooks describes. In her classic essay “Feminism: A Movement to End Sexist Oppression,” bell hooks writes approvingly of "individual radical feminists … who based their analyses on an informed understanding of the politics of domination and a recognition of the interconnections between various systems of domination even as they focused primarily on sexism" (1984, p. I take as my main source the work of Andrea Dworkin, an iconic figure within radical feminist thought.
111), merely tolerate racial and other forms of difference among women? Does radical feminists' emphasis on the commonality of women's oppression incline us to erase, downplay or, as Audre Lorde (1984b) famously warned an audience at a feminist conference (p.What are the strengths, as well as any pitfalls, in these ways of talking about it?.In what specific or distinctive ways do radical feminists talk about race and racism?.In this article, I make some initial moves toward addressing questions such as:
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